The latest events in Brazil, when the three government branches were attacked by extremists claiming for military intervention and doubting the result of the presidential elections, have clearly indicated the threat of a coup over democracy. In fact, the history of Brazil has been marked by coups and attempts to seize power, having the most violent period, known as the "anos de chumbo" [years of lead], that corresponded to the civil-military dictatorship from 1964 to 1985.This violent phase of the Brazilian political trajectory during the military governments ended up consolidating the internationalization of the economy, especially with the concession of loans from the World Bank and with the presence of foreign investors. The modernization and acceleration of Brazilian economic growth, undeniably, stemmed from a military technocratic conservatism that imposed over the territory a developmentalist geopolitics, marked by the absence of criticism and popular participation.Amidst this context, Amazon is seen as a strategic region for the production of wealth and generation of foreign exchange to pay the foreign debt. Here, at this moment, the region is violently inserted in the process of spoliation of natural resources in a coordinated modus operandi involving the State, national private capital and foreign capital, that is, a capitalist alliance that has created the necessary conditions for the various crossings imposed on the territories of the Amazonian peoples (indigenous, quilombolas, riverine people, chestnuts handlers, rubber tappers, etc.).The current depiction of Amazon is one of total abandonment by the government that has recently ended, as the crimes of deforestation and illegal mining in indigenous territories have contributed not only to an increase in environmental crimes, but also to a process of "militia involvement" of the land issues in the region. These facts endanger not only the Amazon peoples who are located in conflict zones, but also our political stability, they attack our democracy. The term "miliciarização" [militiarization] is a new concept and refers to the emergence of armed groups that provide private security services to landowners, logging companies, and mining "owners". For the agrarian militias, violence is a political device to control and regulate the population and its territories; it imposes a politics of death.This statement is based on the assumption that business groups and individual entrepreneurs, linked to predatory economic activities, are financiers of radical groups that disrespect human rights, the rights of traditional peoples, and environmental laws, while advocating for closing of the Supreme Court (STF), total liberation of weapons, closing of congress, and ultimately, military dictatorship as a form of government.Perhaps, the fact that President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva announced important emergency measures for the Amazon, such as reconstitution of FUNAI (National Foundation of Indigenous Peoples), strengthening of policies aimed at indigenous peoples with the creation of a new ministry, &nbsp;confronting illegal mining and the participation of Brazil as place of the Climate Conference (COP 30) with Belém as a possible host city, have accelerated the hatred and extremism of radicals who do not accept such measures.For this reason, the geopolitical position of the Amazon in the upcoming government is one of the most strategic in the Brazilian territory, since it does not only involve the responses that Brazil must give in relation to international pressures on the environmental questions. It also involves the resolution of domestic problems, such as the various types of crimes that have materialized in our region. The challenges are huge, but there is also great hope for a country in which intolerance is banished and social justice prevails, especially for vulnerable populations.Finally, a coup d'état interests criminals, who commit atrocities against indigenous and quilombola peoples, using illegal extraction of wood and minerals from invaded territories. The coup also interests the land grabbers of public lands, that should be used for agrarian reform and incentive to family agriculture. The coup interests the armed militias of the countryside, who provide services to the most varied types of criminals, who dispose of investors to unduly plunder the wealth of the region, thus the coup interests those who flirt with fascism.

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Professor at State University of Pará and member of the Brazilian Public Security Forum.

Amazon: who is interested in a coup d'état?

A future for the Amazon? Above all, thinking about a future for the Amazon region means thinking about emergency issues about life from - and in - the forest, which are concerned not only with the ecosystem and the biodiversity, but also with the way of life and survival of our populations. Thinking about a future for the Amazon is also bringing up the debate about climate security or even planetary security, which means that we should not be selfish to the point of thinking that the Amazon is important only for peoples who live here.Certainly, the expansion of the capitalist mode of production brought great environmental imbalances to the world. It is possible to emphasize the global warming resulting from the emission of polluting gas due to the use of fossil fuels (coal and oil), having deforestation and fires as accelerator vectors for this process.So, how should we think about a future for the Amazon? The answer to this question does not seem to be simple. For almost a century, the expansion of the Amazonian economic frontier has neglected the role of traditional communities in maintaining life in the forest, besides encouraging a process of capital accumulation based on spoliation of nature. We usually say that spatial adjustments were made in the region with the aim of promoting the exploitation of wealth. On the one hand, this wealth has generated income concentration; on the other, it has generated social and environmental conflicts. The violence of the capital consolidation in the Amazon is marked by stories of genocide and ecocide that made the real needs and cultures of the Amazonian peoples invisible.So, what would be the answer to that question? The path to follow so that we can finally reach the ideal model, which has environmental, social and economic sustainability as its main drivers of development, sounds like a utopia. Perhaps, believing that it is possible to produce and distribute wealth while keeping the forest alive and preserving its rich biodiversity is, in fact, utopian. In addition, strengthening traditional knowledge from local productive arrangements can ensure the insertion of Amazonian communities that have their sources of income deriving from extractivism. A rich amount of wealth is also generated from empirical knowledge and ancestral knowledge, which fully warrant and meet the requirements for a sustainable and inclusive community-based tourism incentive.Perhaps it may seem utopian, but nature is capable of providing good living ambience, which is lacking for the peoples from the forest. These peoples face not only environmental problems, but also social issues, such as poverty, malnutrition and low human development index. In addition to everything already highlighted, these peoples survive with the reality of invasions and expropriation of their lands, which is a violence - not only physical, but also symbolic. It represents a process of making invisible the existence of the being.For this reason, I believe that some important strategies to think about a future for the Amazon consists in liberating educational processes, promoting greater popular participation in decision-making processes, receiving the empathy on the part of the public authorities and facing the most varied types of environmental crimes, along with a policy to combat poverty. I reinforce the idea that there is no future for the Amazon without an active participation of its peoples in political and economic processes that are based on the ideal of sustainability and good living.

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Professor at Universidade Estadual do Pará [State University of Pará] and member of the Fórum Brasileiro de Segurança Pública [Brazilian Public Security Forum].

A Future for the Amazon

It is very likely that the Amazon has never been so intensely discussed at a United Nations Conference on Climate Change as it happened in Egypt, from November 6th to 18th, in the city of Sharm El-Sheikh. At the event, the consortium of Amazonian states launched the Sustainable Rural Project (PRS-Amazônia), with a view to developing low-carbon agriculture. In fact, this issue already represents a demand that draws attention to the debate on climate security.It is pertinent to understand the relationship between climate and security, as it starts from several aspects with the most varied meanings, but, in essence, is defined from the relationship between society and nature in the search for a sustainable model. In other words, the aim of a sustainable model is to reduce the rates of deforestation and fires in the region, since protecting the Amazon forest is not only a matter of human security, but of planetary security.Climate change promotes a series of catastrophes that result in: food insecurity aggravated by droughts, forced displacements due to water shortages, soil infertility and floods, and the intensification of conflicts over control of natural resources. In other words, global warming has been compromising life on Earth, its biodiversity and its populations, and, in relation to the Amazon, we find ourselves quite vulnerable in relation to the presence of economic activities that disrespect the limits of nature and affect the way of life.A change of attitude is necessary, above all, relying on the participation of the states and the federal government in a collective effort to curb deforestation and build opportunities that value the standing forest. The Instituto Homem e Meio Ambiente (IMAZON) revealed that, currently, Pará is the state with the highest deforestation rate in the Legal Amazon: just to illustrate a real picture of the problem dimension, from August 2021 to July 2022, 3,858 km² of forests were cut down, which is equivalent to 36% of the total in the Amazon region. The municipalities of Altamira, Itaituba, São Félix do Xingu and Uruará are among the most deforested ones, adding together 259 km² of depleted area, which represents 44% of the territory of Pará.Amazonas, Mato Grosso, Acre and Rondônia and Roraima also contribute to increase their deforestation rates. This is still a consequence of a limited governance capacity, in whose context the institutions responsible for investigating and punishing do not do it, either because they have few agents to deal with a vast region like the Amazon, or because of the federal government interference that weakens the actions to combat environmental crimes, as evidenced in recent years.In any case, the criminal fires and illegal deforestation that fuel the smuggling of wood must be faced as a guarantee that the states are committed to environmental justice and the planet's climate security. Besides that, it is also necessary to consider the participation of traditional peoples in decision-making processes, as we understand that indigenous peoples, quilombolas, riverside dwellers, chestnut and rubber tappers can indeed be regarded as the guardians of the forest. To foment these ecologically sustainable activities means to guarantee land rights and the maintenance of biodiversity.At the COP, the Brazilian panel set up by organized civil society gathered people from the Amazon rainforest and other biomes, uniting them with the Brazilian Black Movement and the most varied social and collective movements, environmental activists and representatives of non-governmental organizations.This is COP-27 or Conference of the Parties (COP), an event that has the potential to bring together governments, diplomats, researchers, civil society and private entities, all bringing reflections and debates on solutions to the global climate crisis. Brazil is one of the 197 nations which have agreed to the United Nations (UN) environmental pact since 1990, when, it signed the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, whose main goal would be to stabilize the emission of greenhouse gases in the atmosphere.But what does the Amazon have to do with all this? The Amazon has everything to do with it. We still represent the region that, even considering all the environmental catastrophes and crimes that are perpetrated against its peoples, has a rich biodiversity, due to the variety of species found and its fauna and flora. It is also the largest forest in the world, with a rich ecosystem, with more than 40,000 species of plants, trees and flowers. Thousands of species have not yet been cataloged by scientists and many are not yet known. In addition to all this, the Amazon Basin is the largest hydrographic system on the planet and covers an area equivalent to a continental territory, being responsible for 16% of the fresh water that reaches the oceans.The Amazon, then, has everything to do with the planet's climate security. It is no wonder that the world is concerned about our region. We have become a global problem and ensuring the existence of all this outstanding wealth is, above all, having the courage to change developmental paradigms. In my personal view, this is the biggest challenge ahead of us – the challenge of convincing people to change attitudes and, at the same time, to have ecologically sustainable alternatives that can, in short, promote social and environmental justice. &nbsp;

Queimadas em Novo Progresso, Pará - Foto: Fernando Souza - AGIF-AE/arquivo

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Searching climate security: what does the Amazon have to do with it?

To approach the social, political and economic context of the Amazon, it is necessary to understand, first, the decision-making processes that ensue from the hegemonic agents of big capital. This I can affirm, as I have been alert to the spatial transformations undergone by the region in recent years. It is about the implementation of economic activities related to a neoliberal dynamic that presents itself as a necessary political agenda on behalf of accumulation.And so forth, structural adjustments are carried out as a way to release all types of resources extracted from the forest. However, such activities strengthen mining, logging, agriculture and livestock, oil palm cultivation and land grabbing, that is, practices that illegally carried out, feed the market of violence. As an example of this, the peoples of the forest began to live with the most diverse social relationships involved in clandestinity, where criminal networks establish connections between cities and territories that are under their influence.There is, therefore, a kind of criminal neocolonialism which involves the entire region from its extreme borders to the interior of the forest. In addition to all this, the greatest threat we are facing is related to an increasing presence of factions or armed militias in the territory of indigenous, quilombola and riverine communities. We highlight the fact that the institutional fragility caused by the State position, in recent years, has favored a criminal dynamic that is fed by smuggling, biopiracy and drug trafficking.Indeed, we emphasize that illegal activities in the Amazon correspond to the overlapping of clandestine networks that have been imposing themselves in the form of territory domains and threatening the peoples of the forest and the indispensable resources for the life maintenance. Therefore, it is essential to consider the intimate relationship between environmental crimes and the presence of criminal factions and militias, because, in the face federal government neglect, violence is constituted as a defining element of power relations. And, in the midst of conflicts between indigenous people, quilombolas, riverine people, peasants, farmers, loggers, miners, companies and the State itself, this violence marks the geography of disputes over the use of territory in the region.It will then be up to the President-elect to merge the environmental agenda into a public security agenda, highlighting the importance of recognizing the existence of the diversity of the peoples of the Amazon and, thus, establishing public policies that, at the same time, promote the protection of the forest and the guarantee of the fundamental rights of the Amazonian peoples. Finally, it is a must to seriously and intelligently confront the presence of organized crime in order to guarantee sovereignty and effective control of the territory.

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Amazon: more than an environmental agenda, a public security agenda

The growing presence of organized crime in the Brazilian Amazon has made its populations vulnerable, especially indigenous peoples, quilombolas and riverside dwellers. This vulnerability is associated with the intensification of a variety of crimes that, when installed in Amazon cities, create illicit networks not only for the exploitation of natural resources, but also for the logistics that allow the interaction of drug flows such as cocaine, marijuana and skank.The Amazon has become a great corridor for drugs and a source of mechanisms that feed the smuggling of wood and minerals. The big issue in relation to these problems is the fact that today there is a connection or interaction between these criminal activities making them economically and politically stronger with major implications for the region.It urges to emphasize that since 1980 the Amazon has been explored as a compulsory transit area for cocaine produced in the Andean countries (Bolivia, Colombia and Peru), and for that purpose, drug traffickers have established channels of communication within Brazilian territory as a way of guaranteeing the proper dynamics of these illegal networks. Thus, several cities in the Amazon have become nodes of a very well-structured network of organized crime.In addition, the debate on environmental crimes related to the advance of predatory economic activities must also be taken into account in this scenario, which includes the increase in exploitation related to the timber sector and the advance of illegal mining on areas of environmental protection. In the latter case, from the 1960s onwards, the State has played a fundamental role in encouraging a development model that did not consider the limits of nature, a model defined as a ‘frontier economy’, which generated a series of ecological imbalances.However, in this second decade of the 21st century, the types of felony above mentioned, when interlinked, claim for a redefinition of organized crime, as they put us in the need to understand the inter-institutional relations which ensue from the integration involving drug trafficking, smuggling of wood and illegal mining.First and foremost, it is necessary to ask ourselves: how did the fragility of environmental policies and inspection bodies foster the strengthening of criminal activities in the Amazon? The answer to this question is not quite simple, but there is a crucial starting point if we consider the constant interference of the current federal government in IBAMA, FUNAI and even in the Federal Police, associated with the cut of resources and that the scrapping of these bodies, was, to a large extent, responsible for the worsening of the vulnerable condition in which forest peoples find themselves.This is how indigenous communities have their territories invaded by miners, quilombola communities have their lands taken by loggers and mining companies and riverside people are enticed by drug traffickers. Apparently, the Amazon is immersed in a complexity of social and environmental conflicts, that is, presenting itself as a troublesome region, from the point of view of regional security.Finally, we must emphasize that one of the tasks of the next government will be to take care of the Amazon, preserve its nature and protect its populations. Confronting the organized crime locally established and its multiple connections will only be possible by means of institutional strengthening and the resumption of institutional policies for the preservation and protection of the forest. That is the only way by which we might envisage possibilities of achieving the most desired sustainability.

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Amazon: criminal networks and institutional fragility

The intensity of environmental crimes spreading across the Amazon is frightening. We cannot deny that for a long time our region has undergone environmental problems, which negatively impact on the peoples who depend on the forest for the maintenance of their ways of life, their cultures and their conditions of existence. These aspects are important for the preservation of the fauna’s and flora's biodiversity. Furthermore, preserved environmental conditions are necessary for the symbolic cosmology of the existential cartographies produced by indigenous and riverine peoples,&nbsp;quilombolas and&nbsp;caboclos, in general.The environmental transformations emerging on forests follow a hegemonic model that considers the large-scale exploitation of resources as a strategy for development and enrichment. A greed guided by the accumulation of capital, which turns traditional peoples invisible, supported by the thesis that nature must be exploited so it does not become an obstacle to prevent the modernizing civilization process.&nbsp;I emphasize that activities such as mineral exploitation, logging, gold mining, transportation infrastructure constructions, telecommunications and electricity infrastructure have largely contributed to a dynamic of violence. Thus, these activities fostered not only labor mobility, but also a movement of migratory flows from the most varied social segments and from all regions. In this intensity of movements, regional and non-regional groups began to diverge in terms of the interests related to the use of land and forest resources. A cartography of the violence is, therefore, established revealing that the use of the territory and the appropriation of the resources are the trigger for the most varied conflicts over land.&nbsp;However, in recent years, due to the fragility of environmental policies, the Amazon region has turned into a zone of social, political and economic instability, mainly caused by the intensification of environmental crimes. When fires and deforestation are our references, these activities threaten the physical, biological and sociocultural integrity of indigenous territories,&nbsp;quilombolas and conservation units.It is certainly necessary to rethink sustainable development models for the Amazon, considering the autonomy of its peoples and the ideal manner of appropriating forest resources. Beforehand, however, it is necessary to plan a public agenda that includes environmental issues and the territory used by traditional peoples. Creating environmental and territorial defense policies is an opportunity to establish strategic mechanisms to protect and guarantee the symbolic and cultural presence, as well as the ethnic and ancestral essence of the peoples of the forest.

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The Amazon: predatory models and violence

The history of conflicts in the Amazon is marked by a geography of violence involving a complexity of interests and various actors, including the State itself as one of those responsible for maintaining inequalities and the use and abuse of territories. We can state that the border economy model installs not only a social crisis, but also an ecological and epistemological crisis in the region, because of the necessity to defend the preservation of the forest and the traditional knowledge of the Amazon peoples who are facing extinction, due to the perversity of the capital system and its policy of death.&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; The problems highlighted above are strongly related to the&nbsp;economic activities that were developed in the decades after the 1960s. Currently, such activities have been incorporated into a crisis of civilization intensified by the neoliberal agenda that turns invisible the practices, the knowledge, and the existence of the forest peoples. This crisis has legitimized and spread violence throughout the interior of the Amazon region, since these conflicts involve disputes over land ownership (land conflicts), the dispute over environmental protection areas, the dispute over control of natural resources, besides the delimitation and titling of indigenous and quilombola lands.&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; On the other hand, we cannot fail to emphasize two important problems that have been added to all that has been exposed so far, narcotrafficking and the growth of criminal factions. The first evidence points to the Amazon as a frequent geographic passway of cocaine from Andean origin to Brazil, Europe, and Africa. The second is a recent phenomenon that shows the interest of groups associated to organized crime in establishing connections with the cities in the region.&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Thus, there is a spatial organization in networks where cities become nodes that, connected by landing tracks, airports, roads, and rivers, form a very well-designed structure constructed by the criminal economy, aiming at giving fluidity to the illicit goods that enter or are extracted from the region. There is a variety of illicit activities that configure zones of social instability and conflicts that contribute to the rise of violence. In addition, there are issues involving narcotrafficking and the most varied types of environmental crimes. There are also problems related to migration and the rising of organized crime factions installed in strategic areas controlling and disputing important drug trafficking routes, besides invading indigenous and riverine peoples’ territories.&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; In this context, it is possible to witness an increase of violence in the Amazon, especially considering the intentional violent deaths, directly related to processes that are connected to the most varied types of crimes, with emphasis on the relationship between drug trafficking and environmental crimes, as well as the growth of organized crime factions in the region. It is important to note that in rural areas violent deaths are related to land conflicts, whereas in the cities they are associated to the presence of drug trafficking, corroborating a significant increase in the rate of intentional violent deaths.It is noteworthy that the dynamics of organized crime in the Amazon goes beyond the territorial boundaries of the Brazilian State, thus it has transnational aspect. This transnationality of crime involves the relations in national and international faction networks operating in South America, creating a complex and complete organizational structure of illicit activities.&nbsp; Organized crime action in the Amazon region in recent years has become more and more present, acting on various scales and in various activities, that even confuse the concept of legal and illegal.It can be said that the Amazon region has long been facing problems related to social and political instability around its borders. The border is considered the place for meetings and mismatches, the place for cultural and symbolic exchanges, but it is also the place for tension and conflicts. The Amazon border, especially on the borders with Bolivia, Colombia, and Peru, is constituted as a zone of instability in relation to regional security, because through this region there is an integration and connection of illegal networks of cocaine trafficking, where these networks are produced from the spatial interaction that involves the rivers and the cities of the region.&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; &nbsp;In this scenario, organized crime factions operating in Brazil began to consider the Amazon as a strategic region for the geopolitics of the narcotrafficking, constituted by this transborder relation involving multiple agents, each one with its specific function in the universe of crime. Factions from the Southeast region of Brazil, such as the Comando Vermelho (CV-RJ) and the Primeiro Comando da Capital (PCC-SP) began to have interests in operating in the border areas, as well as in cities considered important for drug flow.&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; The interest of these factions is related to the search for control of the main drug trafficking routes in the Amazon. However, some local factions understood better the mechanisms of illegal networks through the Amazon. Thus, the states of Amazonas and Pará, considered the major "passways" for the circulation of illicit goods (drugs, woods, and smuggled minerals), became the locus of rising regionalized criminal groups, such as the factions Familia do Norte (FDN-AM) and Comando A (CCA-PA).&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; The state of Amazonas is a major gateway for cocaine of Peruvian origin and skank of Colombian origin, because it has the most influential drug trafficking routes: the Solimões River and the Javali River. The Solimões route has become the stage for disputes and conflicts involving pirates from the Coarí region, members of the FDN, and members of the PCC. The latter, who held control of the area, arrived in the region through the state of Mato Grosso and Acre, making several alliances along the way. On the other hand, the route of the Javari River is one of the most complex routes today due to the presence of the faction "Os Crias", emerged from the dissidence of FDN members and that operates in the Triple Border area, controlling the most important route used by Peruvian narcotraffickers. Besides this, we can also highlight that the Javari valley has a series of public security problems that affect the indigenous communities and the riverine peoples in the region, who suffer attacks from miners, loggers, and smugglers.&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Finally, the state of Pará, starting from the city of Altamira, stands out with a large transit area where rivers, roads, and private airports are used by narcotraffickers to transport cocaine. Especially Altamira, an area of dispute between rival factions, mainly after the arrival of the CV rivaling the CCA. Thus, the complexity that is established in the Amazon involves a network of criminals who are related to the narcotrafficking and to environmental crimes, and this dynamic weakens the public security policies, negatively affecting the forest peoples exposed to a dynamic of violence.

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Professor at Universidade Estadual do Pará [State University of Pará] and member of the Fórum Brasileiro de Segurança Pública [Brazilian Public Security Forum]. 

Columnist

Amazon: who is interested in a coup d'état?

Professor at State University of Pará and member of the Brazilian Public Security Forum.

01/27/2023 16:43:24

A Future for the Amazon

Professor at Universidade Estadual do Pará [State University of Pará] and member of the Fórum Brasileiro de Segurança Pública [Brazilian Public Security Forum].

12/23/2022 15:24:07

Searching climate security: what does the Amazon have to do with it?

Professor at Universidade Estadual do Pará [State University of Pará] and member of the Fórum Brasileiro de Segurança Pública [Brazilian Public Security Forum].

11/25/2022 18:12:48

Amazon: more than an environmental agenda, a public security agenda

Professor at Universidade Estadual do Pará [State University of Pará] and member of the Fórum Brasileiro de Segurança Pública [Brazilian Public Security Forum].

10/17/2022 23:27:23

Amazon: criminal networks and institutional fragility

Professor at State University of Pará and member of the Brazilian Public Security Forum.

09/21/2022 20:17:37

The Amazon: predatory models and violence

Professor at Universidade Estadual do Pará [State University of Pará] and member of the Fórum Brasileiro de Segurança Pública [Brazilian Public Security Forum].

08/06/2022 0:21:44

The geography of violence in the Amazon region

Professor at Universidade Estadual do Pará [State University of Pará] and member of the Fórum Brasileiro de Segurança Pública [Brazilian Public Security Forum].

07/14/2022 23:22:31